Archeological investigations in New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah — Reading Notes
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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLUME 68 NUMBER 1
Archeological Investigations in New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah
CITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION MAY, 1917
The Lord Baltimore Press BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A.
ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS IN NEW MEXICO, COLORADO, AND UTAH
During the year 1916 the author spent five months in archeological investigations in New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah, three of these months being given to intensive work on the Mesa Verde National Park in Colorado. An account of the result of the Mesa Verde work will appear in the Smithsonian Annual Report for 1916, under the title “A Prehistoric Mesa Verde Pueblo and Its People.” What was accomplished in June and October, 1916, before and after the work at the Mesa Verde, is here recorded.
As archeological work in the Southwest progresses, it becomes more and more evident that we can not solve the many problems it presents until we know more about the general distribution of ruins, and the characteristic forms peculiar to different geographical localities. Most of the results thus far accomplished are admirable, though limited to a few regions, while many extensive areas have as yet not been explored by the archeologist and the types of architecture peculiar to these unexplored areas remain unknown. Here we need a reconnoissance followed by intensive work to supplement what has already been done. The following pages contain an account of what might be called archeological scouting in New Mexico and Utah. While the matter here presented may not shed much light on general archeology, it is, nevertheless, a contribution to our knowledge of the prehistoric human inhabitants of our country. Primarily it treats of aboriginal architecture.
The author spent two months in searching for undescribed buildings concerning some of which comparatively nothing was known. During June, 1916, headquarters were made at Gallup, New Mexico: the Utah ruins, new to science, were visited from the Indian agency at Ouray, Utah.
The plan of operations in these two fields was somewhat different. The work in New Mexico was an attempt to verify existing legends of the migrations of a Hopi (Walpi) clan that once lived in a ruined pueblo called Sikyatki, where the cemeteries, exhumed in 1895, yielded one of the most beautiful and instructive collections of prehistoric pottery[1] ever brought to the U. S. National Museum from the Southwest.
Legends mention by name several habitations of the Sikyatki people during their migration from the Jemez region, before they built their Hopi pueblo, but lack of time prevented the author from tracing their trail throughout the entire distance back to their original home. The object of the present investigation was to examine one of their halting places, a ruined pueblo called Tebungki, or Fire House,[2] on the prehistoric trail about 25 miles east of Walpi. Between this ruined village and the ancestral home there are large and as yet undescribed ruins, such as those of the Chaco Canyon, which may once have been inhabited by some of these people.
Our knowledge of the former shifting of ancient clans, derived from legends, is fragmentary, and one way to gain further information and revivify forgotten or unrecorded history, is to study the remains of their material culture. Architecture is a most important survival, and pottery, which has transmitted ancient symbolism unchanged, is also valuable. It happens that both these aids characterize the southwestern culture areas. Other objects, as stone implements, woven and plaited fabrics, and basketry, are not greatly unlike those made by unrelated Indians and consequently add little to our knowledge in studies of cultures, but architecture and ceramics are distinctive and afford data from which we can gather much information on the history of vanished races.
TEBUNGKI (FIRE HOUSE)
Hopi legends of clans whose ancestors once peopled the Sikyatki ruin, but are now absorbed in the Walpi population, recount that in their western migration they built, near a deep canyon, a village which they named Fire House. These legends were first obtained from the Hopi by A. M. Stephen and recorded by Victor Mindeleff[3] who located Fire House ruin over 20 years ago. His valuable description and ground plan, the only account heretofore printed, is graphic and substantially correct. He calls attention to the characteristic or salient points which distinguish Fire House from ruined buildings in the Hopi reservation, especially its circular or oval form and the massive, well-constructed masonry of its walls.
Fewkes opens by framing his 1916 fieldwork as "archeological scouting"—a reconnaissance to map ruin distribution across three states. He spent three months intensively at Mesa Verde, but this report covers June and October work in New Mexico and Utah. The author explicitly states his aim is not to solve broad problems but to contribute knowledge of "aboriginal architecture" in unexplored areas. This modest, data-driven tone sets expectations: readers will encounter detailed descriptions of structures, not sweeping theories.
Scouting vs. Excavation
Fewkes distinguishes his approach from the intensive digs common in Southwestern archaeology. He calls his work "archeological scouting"—a term that signals rapid survey rather than systematic excavation. The excerpts show he prioritizes locating and describing ruins over recovering artifacts. For instance, he notes that the Utah ruins were "new to science" and visited from the Ouray agency. This reconnaissance method means the text is rich in architectural observation but sparse on material culture. Readers should expect ground plans, masonry descriptions, and site locations rather than pottery typologies or burial data.
Architecture as Primary Evidence
The report's core is architectural description. Fewkes categorizes ruins by form: circular enclosures, tower-like structures, and dug-out dwellings. He provides precise measurements—ruin A in Hill Canyon is "about 25 feet in diameter" with walls "about 13 feet high." He notes construction techniques, such as walls made of "natural slabs of rock, rudely fashioned by fracture" and adobe mortar washed from joints. The dug-out type, with roofs formed by "a flat slab of rock projecting horizontally," is contrasted with freestanding masonry. These details allow readers to visualize structures without relying on the 14 plates mentioned in the title.
Comparative Masonry and Regional Variation
Fewkes frequently compares ruins across regions. He likens the Hill Canyon towers to the "so-called 'towers' of the McElmo Canyon" but notes their masonry is poorer, lacking "dressed in cubical blocks." He also references a "Tower ruin" found by Prof. Montgomery in Nine Mile Canyon. These comparisons build a regional typology. The author observes that lower courses of stone are larger and more dressed than upper courses—a detail that hints at construction sequence or structural necessity. Such comparative observations are the backbone of Fewkes's argument for the need to map ruin distribution before solving larger archaeological problems.
The Role of Local Knowledge
Fewkes acknowledges assistance from local residents and officials, such as "Mr. Kneale, who aided us in outfitting at Ouray." He also references Hopi migration legends to contextualize the New Mexico work, though the excerpts do not elaborate on these stories. This reliance on local informants and indigenous oral tradition is woven into the scouting methodology. Readers should note that Fewkes treats these legends as leads to investigate, not as proof. The text thus balances empirical description with an awareness that indigenous knowledge guided his search for ruins.
Fewkes's report rewards readers who attend to masonry details and site plans. The text is best approached as a field notebook: dense with observation, light on interpretation. The 14 plates, though not reproduced here, are integral to understanding the structures described. For those interested in Southwestern archaeology, this work offers a snapshot of early twentieth-century survey methods and the raw data that later syntheses would build upon.
I keep thinking about those old stone towers, how the report maps them like quiet questions across the desert. It reminded me of that other volume on northern tribes, where brick and bone tell similar stories of shelter and time. There’s a gentleness in The Native Races of British North America — Context and Discussion that feels like sitting beside someone who has watched the land long enough to speak softly of its people.
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