Burial Mounds of the Northern Sections of the United States — A Reader’s Guide
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There were no sarcophagi or coffins, and in all cases the heads pointed towards the west.[6]
In some instances the mound contained a circular stone wall, within which a pit had been dug to the depth of 2 or 3 feet in the original soil, as, for example, the one near Waukesha, described by Dr. Lapham.[7]
A mound in Crawford County, opened by Colonel Norris, one of the Bureau assistants, in 1882, shows a similar vault or pit, but differs from the preceding in being distinctly stratified and wanting the stone wall. The construction of this tumulus and the mode of burial in it were as follows:
Proceeding from the top downwards, there was first a layer of soil and sand about 1 foot thick; next, nearly 2 feet in depth of calcined human bones, without order, mingled with which were charcoal, ashes, and a reddish-brown mortar-like substance, burned as hard as pavement brick. This layer is numbered 4 in the annexed cut (Fig. 4), which represents a vertical section of the mound. Immediately below this was a layer about 1 foot thick (No. 3) of clay or mortar mixed with sand, burned to a brick-red color. Below this, in the space marked 2 in the cut, were found the bones of fifteen or twenty individuals, in a confused heap, without order or arrangement. Mingled with these were fire-brands, charcoal, and ashes. The bones were charred, some of them to charcoal, and some were glazed with melted sand. The mass appears to have been first covered with soft clay-mortar, which ran into and filled the spaces, and the burning to have been done afterwards by means of brush or wood heaped on the top, as among the bones were lumps of hard burned clay.
The bottom of this layer corresponded with the original surface of the ground, but the excavation being continued, a circular vault or pit, 6 feet in diameter, was found extending downwards, with perpendicular sides, to the depth of nearly 3 feet. The bottom of this pit was covered to the depth of an inch with fine chocolate-colored dust. Although the filling of this pit was chiefly sand, there was a cavity at the bottom a foot high in the center, over which the sand filling was arched as shown in the figure.
It is evident that the skeletons in this mound were buried after the flesh had been removed, as we can on no other supposition explain the fact that the clay or mortar had filled the interstices between the bones, and that in some cases it had even penetrated into the skulls.
Another mound, opened by Colonel Norris in the same neighborhood, presented some peculiarities worthy of notice, although not sufficient to mark it as belonging to a distinct type.
According to his report, the southern portion had previously been explored by Judge Branson, who found at the base some six or eight skeletons lying stretched out horizontally, and covered by a dry, light-colored mortar which must have been spread over them while in a soft condition, as it had run between the bones and encased them, and in some cases, as in the mound just described, filled the skulls. As only the southern portion had been opened he removed the remainder. The dried mortar-like substance was very hard and difficult to dig through, but the pick soon struck some rough, flat limestone rocks which proved to be parts of a rude wall about 3 feet high and 8 feet long, built on the natural surface of the ground. In the opposite side of the mound, 12 feet distant from and parallel with it, was another similar wall. Between them and on the natural surface of the ground, side by side, were a number of skeletons lying flat and lengthwise and parallel with the walls. A vertical section of this mound is shown in Fig. 5. The little circles at the bottom between the walls indicate the heads of the skeletons; No. 4, the layer of mortar over the bones; 3, a layer of hard clay mixed with ashes; 2, a layer of clay; and 1, the top covering of sand and soil about 18 inches thick. Before being disturbed this mound was 35 feet in diameter and 6 feet high.
As it is evident that the burials in this case were made at one time, and as the mortar-like substance had run into the interstices, it is more than probable that the skeletons were deposited after the flesh had been removed.
The following description of a mound with a single original and several intrusive burials is also taken from Colonel Norris' notes of work in Crawford County:
Cyrus Thomas's 1887 report, part of the Bureau of Ethnology's Fifth Annual Report, presents detailed excavation records of burial mounds across the northern United States. Rather than offering a synthetic overview of Native American funeral customs, the text is dominated by site-specific descriptions—grave dimensions, skeletal positions, and artifact inventories—that reveal considerable variation in burial practices. The catalog subjects list "Indians of North America -- Funeral customs and rites" and "Wyandot Indians," yet the excerpts focus on mounds in Wisconsin, Illinois, Iowa, and the Appalachian district, with no direct mention of the Wyandot. This mismatch between the catalog's broad categories and the report's localized, empirical content is a central feature of the work.
Excavation Reports as Primary Evidence
The report's core consists of numbered grave inventories, such as the Wilkes County, North Carolina, site where eight graves and several pits are cataloged with measurements, contents, and skeletal positions. For example, Grave No. 1 contained two skeletons surrounded by charcoal, pottery fragments, flint chips, and a decayed tortoise shell. No. 8 held three skeletons lying full length on their right sides, with a bear skeleton under their legs and three broken pots containing animal bones. These inventories are presented without interpretive commentary, allowing the reader to observe patterns—such as the frequent inclusion of animal bones, charcoal, and broken pottery—across different regions. The text also includes diagrams of fire-beds and stone vaults, emphasizing structural details over cultural attribution.
Structural Features and Their Ambiguities
Thomas repeatedly notes features that resist easy classification. A basin-shaped fire-bed in Wilkes County, described as a bed of burnt clay 8 inches thick filled with ashes, is compared to the "so-called altars of the Ohio mounds," but the author refrains from assigning a ritual function. Similarly, a stone vault in an Illinois mound is documented with precise dimensions and the note that it contained a single skeleton, yet no conclusion is drawn about its purpose. The text's language is consistently cautious: phrases like "may possibly assist us in arriving at a correct conclusion" signal the provisional nature of the interpretations. This restraint contrasts with the catalog subject "Mounds -- United States," which implies a unified phenomenon; the excerpts instead highlight diversity in mound construction and use.
Regional Variation vs. Catalog Generalization
The report organizes mounds by district—Wisconsin, Illinois/Upper Mississippi, Ohio, and Appalachian—each with distinct characteristics. Wisconsin mounds often contain earthen pots and stone vaults, while Ohio mounds feature wooden vaults and copper gorgets. The Appalachian district includes graves without mounding, such as the Wilkes County site, where pits were dug directly into the ground. This regional specificity is at odds with the catalog subject "Indians of North America -- Funeral customs and rites," which suggests a unified treatment. Moreover, the Wyandot Indians, listed as a subject, appear only in a brief reference to a contributor (Jean de Brébeuf) whose writings are not excerpted. Readers expecting a focused study of Wyandot practices will find instead a broad survey of archaeological data from multiple tribes and regions.
Readers approaching this work should treat it as a primary source of late-19th-century archaeological fieldwork, not as a comprehensive guide to Native American burial customs. The value lies in the raw data—grave dimensions, artifact lists, and skeletal descriptions—which can be compared with modern interpretations. The catalog subjects provide a starting point but do not accurately reflect the report's geographic and cultural scope. Pay attention to the illustrations and tables, which often convey information omitted from the text.
I’ve spent many evenings in the stacks with that old Bureau of Ethnology volume, noting how its precise lists of grave goods whisper of lives we can’t quite reach. There’s a particular tenderness in that—unearthing the ordinary alongside the solemn. I find that same quiet intimacy in The American Country Girl — A Reader’s Guide, where domestic details carry a weight no inventory ever captures.
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