Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. 4 of 7 — Reading Companion
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were among these the earliest settlers in Travancore, and a whole property (revenue village) was granted to them in freehold in 1728 A.D., in recognition of the sacrifice a member of the family made in saving the life of a Travancore prince from the murderous attack of the Ettuveetil Pillamar. The first family of Kolasvarupam Rajas immigrated into Travancore in the fifth century M.E. As the Travancore royal house then stood in need of adoption, arrangements were made through a Koil Tampuran of the Tattari Kovilakam to bring two princesses for adoption from Kolattunad, and the first family of Rajas, known as the Putupalli Kovilakam, settled at Kartikapalli. The family is now extinct, as the last member died in 1033 M.E. The next family that migrated was Cheriyakovilakam between 920 and 930, also invited for purposes of adoption. These latter lived at Aranmula. The third series of migrations were during the invasion of Malabar by Tipu Sultan in 964 M.E., when all the Rajas living at the time went over to Travancore, though, after the disturbance was over, many returned home. The Rajas of the Kolasvarupam began to settle permanently in the country, as they could claim relationship with the reigning sovereigns, and were treated by them with brotherly affection. There were only two branches at the beginning, namely, Pallikovilakam and Udayamangalam. The families of Mavelikara, Ennaykkad and Prayikkara are divisions of the Chengakkovilakam house. The Udayamangalam house has branched off into three divisions, Mittil, whose descendants now live at Mariyapalli, Nedumprum, and Kartikapalli. Naduvilekkovilakam members live at Perinjel in Aranmula, and Cheriyakovilakam, whose members are divided into five other families, in the same locality. No branch of the Udayamangalam house resides in British Malabar. Some of these branches even now own large estates in that collectorate. There are two other important families of Rajas in Travancore, viz., those of Pantalam and Punjat. Both of them are believed to have been related to the early Pandyan kings. The reason alleged for the immigration of the Pantalam Rajas into Travancore is the persecution of a Nayak minister in mediæval times, who compelled them to change their mode of inheritance from marumakkathayam (in the female line) to makkathayam (from father to son), and then marry his daughter. They are supposed to have sojourned at Sivagiri and Tenkasi in the Tinnevelly district on their way to Travancore. Ilattur in the Shenkottah taluk originally belonged to them, but was afterwards taken over by Travancore in default of payment of the annual subsidy. Tampans are believed by tradition to have had territorial sovereignty in Kerala, until they were deprived of it by the Ilayetasvarupam kings. This does not appear to have any basis of truth, as the Ilayetasvarupam kings lived in Central Travancore, while the Tampans live in the north, where the former are never known to have led any invasion. In mediæval times, both Tampans and Tirumalppads were invariably commanders of armies. With the invasion of Malabar by Tipu Sultan, many sought refuge in the kingdom of Travancore, and continued to live here after the passing of the storm.
The Malayala Kshatriyas are as a class learned. Both men and women are, in the main, accomplished Sanskrit scholars. Mr. Kerla Varma, C.S.I., Valiyakoil Tampuran, a finished poet and an accomplished patron of letters, and Mr. Ravi Varma, the talented artist, are both Koil Tampurans. The houses of the Koil Tampurans and Rajas are known as kottarams or kovilakams, i.e., palaces, while those of the Tampans and Tirumalppads are known as kovilakams and mathams. The Malayala Kshatriyas resemble the Brahmans in their food and drink. The males dress like the Nambutiris, while the dress and ornaments of the women are like those of other classes in Malabar There are, however, three special ornaments which the Kshatriya ladies particularly wear, viz., cheru-tali, entram, and kuzhal. The Koil Pandalas and Rajas are landlords of considerable wealth, and a few have entered the Civil Service of the State. The Tampans and Tirumalppads, besides being landlords and agriculturists, are personal servants of the ruling families of Kerala, the latter holding this position to even a greater extent than the former. The Kshatriya personal attendants of the Maharajas of Travancore serve them with characteristic fidelity and devotion.
The Malayala Kshatriyas are a particularly religious community. In a place within their houses, called tevarappura or the room for religious worship, the Vaishnavite salagrama and Saivite linga are kept together with the images of other deities, and Brahmans officiate at their worship. Ganapati puja (worship), and antinamaskaram are regularly observed.
This volume opens with entries for the Kōri (blanket) sept of the Kuruba and the Kōriannayya (fowl sept) of the Bant, immediately signaling the authors' method of recording exogamous units through everyday objects and animals. The text weaves together colonial administrative reports, indigenous accounts, and Sanskrit textual references, creating a layered portrait of each group. For instance, the entry on Korono accountants cites H. A. Stuart, R. C. Dutt, and the poet Kālidāsa to trace possible origins, while also noting contemporary practices such as the gōsha system and dietary restrictions.
Diction and the Weight of Authority
Thurston and Rangachari frequently embed quotations from multiple sources within a single entry, juxtaposing colonial ethnographers, local informants, and ancient texts. In the Korono account, they move from Stuart's census remarks to Dutt's historical analysis to Kālidāsa's poetic description, all within a few paragraphs. This stacking of voices creates a dense, polyvocal texture that foregrounds the authors' reliance on external authority rather than direct observation. The phrasing often attributes claims to named individuals—"Mr. H. A. Stuart writes," "Mr. R. C. Dutt says," "the poet Kālidāsa describes"—which distances the authors from the assertions and underscores the collaborative, citational nature of the work.
Dialogue Between Text and Practice
The entries frequently contrast scriptural or historical ideals with observed customs. In the section on Jangams (Lingāyats), the authors present a lengthy defense by Professor Karibasava Shāstri, who argues that Vīrshaivs include all four varnas and follow Vedic authority. This is immediately followed by a committee report and a census account that dispute Basava's role and assert ancient origins. The authors do not adjudicate these claims; instead, they let the conflicting narratives stand side by side. This technique reveals the contested nature of caste identity and the active role of contemporary informants in shaping tradition.
Description as Evidence: Material Culture and Ritual
The text is punctuated by vivid, concrete descriptions of objects and performances. A note on a Jangam's attire details a long sword, a gauntlet-handled scimitar, and pieces of brass tied to the forearm that "made a noise when the arm was shaken." Such passages ground abstract social categories in tangible, sensory detail. Similarly, the list of illustrations—including a "Buffalo sacrifice. Head with foot in the mouth" and a "Malayan devil-dancer with fowl in mouth"—points to a visual archive that complements the written record. These descriptions serve as evidence of practices that the authors consider noteworthy, often without explicit interpretation.
Structure and the Logic of the List
The volume's organization follows an alphabetical sequence of caste and tribe names, but within each entry, the structure is associative rather than uniform. A typical entry begins with a definition (e.g., "Kōri (blanket).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba"), then moves to origin myths, colonial reports, social customs, and occasionally material culture. The transitions are abrupt, and the authors do not always signal shifts in topic. This paratactic style mirrors the encyclopedic ambition of the work: to compile all available information without forcing it into a single narrative. The result is a text that invites browsing and rewards attention to local detail.
Readers approaching this volume should attend to the interplay between quoted authorities and the authors' own descriptive passages. The work is less a unified argument than a repository of competing voices, where colonial officials, Sanskrit scholars, and local practitioners all contribute to the record. The editors' decisions about what to include and how to arrange it reveal as much about early 20th-century ethnographic practice as about the communities described.
I found myself still thinking about the K-to-M volume long after setting it down—those quiet records of ritual and craft. It felt less like reading a survey and more like overhearing distant conversations. That same gentle ache of time passing stayed with me through Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. 6 of 7 — Reading Companion, as if certain names simply wanted remembering.
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