Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. 3 of 7 — Background and Themes
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troubling the Devas and men, and was advised by Karthikeya (Subramanya) and Virabahu to desist from so doing. He paid no heed, and a fight ensued. The demon sent his son Vajrabahu to meet the enemy, and he was slain by Virabahu, who displayed the different parts of his body in the following manner. The vertebral column was made to represent a pole, round which the other bones were placed, and the guts tightly wound round them. The connective tissues were used as ropes to support the pole. The skull was used as a jaya-mani (conquest bell), and the skin hoisted as a flag. The trident of Virabahu was fixed to the top of the pole, and, standing over it, he announced his victory over the world. The Nattukattada Nayanmars claim to be the descendants of Virabahu. Their head-quarters are at Conjeeveram. They are regarded as slightly inferior to the Kaikolans, with whom ordinarily they do not intermarry. The Kaikolans have to pay them as alms a minimum fee of four annas per loom annually. Another class of mendicant, called Ponnambalaththar, which is said to have sprung up recently, poses as true caste beggars attached to the Kaikolans, from whom, as they travel about the country, they solicit alms. Some Kaikolans gave Ontipuli as the name of their caste beggars. The Ontipulis, however, are Nokkans attached to the Pallis.
The Kaikolan community is, as already indicated, divided into seventy-two nadus or desams, viz., forty-four mel (western) and twenty-eight kil (eastern) nadus. Intermarriages take place between members of seventy-one of these nadus. The great Tamil poet Ottaikuththar is said to have belonged to the Kaikolan caste and to have sung the praises of all castes except his own. Being angry on this account, the Kaikolans urged him to sing in praise of them. This he consented to do, provided that he received 1,008 human heads. Seventy-one nadus sent the first-born sons for the sacrifice, but one nadu (Tirumarudhal) refused to send any. This refusal led to their isolation from the rest of the community. All the nadus are subject to the authority of four thisai nadus, and these in turn are controlled by the mahanadu at Conjeeveram, which is the residence of the patron deity Kamatchiamman. The thisai nadus are (1) Sivapuram (Walajabad), east of Conjeeveram, where Kamatchiamman is said to have placed Nandi as a guard; (2) Thondipuram, where Thondi Vinayakar was stationed; (3) Virinjipuram to the west, guarded by Subramanya; (4) Sholingipuram to the south, watched over by Bairava. Each of the seventy-one nadus is sub-divided into kilai gramams (branch villages), perur (big) and sithur (little) gramams. In Tamil works relating to the Sengundar caste, Conjeeveram is said to be the mahanadu, and those belonging thereto are spoken of as the nineteen hundred, who are entitled to respect from other Kaikolans. Another name for Kaikolans of the mahanadu seems to be Andavar; but in practice this name is confined to the headman of the mahanadu, and members of his family. They have the privilege of sitting at council meetings with their backs supported by pillows, and consequently bear the title Thindusarndan (resting on pillows). At present there are two sections of Kaikolans at Conjeeveram, one living at Ayyampettai, and the other at Pillaipalayam. The former claim Ayyampettai as the mahanadu, and refuse to recognise Pillaipalayam, which is in the heart of Conjeeveram, as the mahanadu. Disputes arose, and recourse was had to the Vellore Court in 1904, where it was decided that Ayyampettai possesses no claim to be called the mahanadu.
Many Kaikolan families have now abandoned their hereditary employment as weavers in favour of agriculture and trade, and some of the poorer members of the caste work as cart-drivers and coolies. At Coimbatore some hereditary weavers have become cart-drivers, and some cart-drivers have become weavers de necessité in the local jail.
In every Kaikolan family, at least one girl should be set apart for, and dedicated to temple service. And the rule seems to be that, so long as this girl or her descendants, born to her or adopted, continue to live, another girl is not dedicated. But, when the line becomes extinct, another girl must be dedicated. All the Kaikolans deny their connection with the Deva-dasi (dancing-girl) caste. But Kaikolans freely take meals in Dasi houses on ceremonial occasions, and it would not be difficult to cite cases of genuine Dasis who have relationship with rich Kaikolans.
Edgar Thurston's third volume of Castes and Tribes of Southern India opens with the Kabbēra, a Canarese fishing and cultivating caste, and immediately establishes a pattern of meticulous subdivision. Mr. W. Francis's report distinguishes two endogamous divisions—Gaurimakkalu and Gangimakkalu—based on origin myths and social practices, such as the use of Brāhman priests versus caste priests, cremation versus burial, and widow remarriage. This granular attention to internal hierarchy recurs throughout the volume, which covers entries from K to Korava.
Narrative Voice and Documentary Layers
Thurston's editorial method layers multiple voices: colonial administrators, missionaries, local informants, and his own observations. The entry on Katike butchers, for instance, weaves together the Kurnool Manual, a correspondent's report, and a petition to the Governor of Madras. This polyphony creates a dense texture but also reveals contradictions. The story of forcible circumcision under Tīpu Sultān is presented as tradition, yet the text notes that descendants now attend mosques and grow beards, while still avoiding intermarriage with 'true Muhammadans.' The reader must navigate these competing accounts without a single authorial judgment. Thurston rarely resolves ambiguity; instead, he lets the documentary record stand, inviting scrutiny of the sources themselves.
Pace Shifts: From Ethnographic Detail to Historical Anecdote
The volume's pace varies markedly between entries. Some, like Kabbēra, are concise summaries of social rules and occupations. Others, like Katike, expand into lengthy historical narratives with multiple sub-sections. The butchers' entry includes a detailed petition about a 1907 strike, complete with a list of affected communities—'non-Brāhmin Hindus, Muhammadans, Indian Christians, Parsis, Eurasians and Europeans'—that momentarily shifts the focus from caste to urban consumer politics. Such digressions break the rhythm of ethnographic cataloguing and suggest Thurston's interest in the living, contested nature of caste identities under colonial rule. The inclusion of Bishop Whitehead's firsthand account of coracle travel similarly injects a personal, almost travelogue-like passage into an otherwise taxonomic entry.
Recurring Motifs: Exogamous Septs and Occupational Niches
Throughout the volume, certain structural elements recur: exogamous septs (bedagus, gōtras) named after objects like 'Katta' (bund) or 'Kātige' (collyrium), and the association of castes with specific trades. The Kabbēra are fishermen and cultivators; the Katike are butchers. Yet these categories are not rigid. The butchers' entry shows internal divisions—Sultāni versus Surasu, beef versus mutton sellers—that blur the line between Hindu and Muslim identity. Similarly, the Kabbēra's two divisions have different social standings. Thurston's evidence suggests that caste is not a fixed system but a set of practices subject to historical pressures, such as forced conversion or economic change. The reader should attend to these patterns of naming and occupation, which reveal how communities defined themselves in relation to others.
Readers approaching this volume should treat each entry as a composite of competing voices rather than a definitive account. Thurston's reliance on colonial reports and local informants means that silences and biases are embedded in the text. Pay attention to moments when the narrative shifts from description to anecdote, or when a petitioner's voice breaks through the ethnographic frame. These are clues to the dynamic, often contested nature of caste as it was recorded—and reshaped—in early twentieth-century South India.
Years among Thurston's Kabbēra and Korava taught me how quietly a people’s identity shifts, boundary melting into belief. That same patient fluidity hums through The American Country Girl — A Reader’s Guide, where a girl’s growing is less a fixed path than a slow, unmarked becoming. Both volumes rest easier beside one another, whispering of change that never announces itself.
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