Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. 5 of 7 — Story, Setting & Ideas

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Thurston, Edgar, 1855-1935, Rangachari, K. [Contributor] Project Gutenberg 2013 Not confirmed
Caste -- India, South; Tribes -- India, South; Ethnology -- India, South; India, South -- Social life and customs Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 156,298
Reading time 680 min
Text sections 19

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This volume of Thurston's ethnographic survey covers castes from M to P, drawing on census reports, local officials, and oral traditions. Entries mix administrative data with anecdotes, contested etymologies, and observations on social hierarchy, trade, and domestic life.
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karacharya was refused assistance in the cremation of his dead mother by the Nambutiri Brahmans, he is believed to have sought in despair the help of one of these temple servants, with whose aid the corpse was divided into eight parts, and deposited in the pit. For undertaking this duty, which the Nambutiris repudiated from a sense of offended religious feeling, the particular Maran was thrown out of his caste by the general community, and a compromise had to be effected by the sage with the rest of the caste, who returned in a body on the day of purification along with the excommunicated man, and helped Sankaracharya to bring to a close his mother's death ceremonies. In recognition of this timely help, Sankara is believed to have declared the Maran to be an indispensable functionary at the death ceremonies of Nambutiris and Ambalavasis. It has even been suggested that the original form of Maran was Muran, derived from mur (to chop off), in reference to the manner in which the remains of Sankara's mother were disposed of.

The traditional occupation of the Marans is sounding or playing on the panchavadya or five musical instruments used in temples. These are the sankh or conch-shell, timila, chendu, kaimani, and maddalam. The conch, which is necessary in every Hindu temple, is loudly sounded in the early morning, primarily to wake the deity, and secondarily to rouse the villagers. Again, when the temple service commences, and when the nivedya or offering is carried, the music of the conch is heard from the northern side of the temple. On this account, many Marans call themselves Vadakkupurattu, or belonging to the northern side. The asu and pani are sounded by the highest dignitaries among them. The beating of the pani is the accompaniment of expiatory offerings to the Saptamata, or seven mothers of Hindu religious writings, viz., Brahmi, Mahesvari, Kaumari, Vaishnavi, Varahi, Indrani, and Chamunda. Offerings are made to these divine mothers during the daily sribali procession, and in important temples also during the sribhutabali hours, and on the occasion of the utsavabali at the annual utsava of the temple. There are certain well-established rules prescribing the hymns to be recited, and the music to be played. So religiously have these rules to be observed during the utsavabali, that the priest who makes the offering, the Variyar who carries the light before him and the Marans who perform the music all have to fast, and to dress themselves in orthodox Brahmanical fashion, with the uttariya or upper garment worn in the manner of the sacred thread. It is sincerely believed that the smallest violation of the rules would be visited with dire consequences to the delinquents before the next utsava ceremony.

In connection with the musical instrument called the timila, the following legend is current. There was a timila in the Sri Padmanabha temple made of kuruntotti, and there was a Maran attached to the temple, who was such an expert musician that the priest was unable to adjust his hymn recitation to the music of the Maran's drum, and was in consequence the recipient of the divine wrath. It was contrived to get a Brahman youth to officiate as priest, and, as he could not recite the hymns in consonance with the sounds produced by the drum, a hungry spirit lifted him up from the ground to a height of ten feet. The father of the youth, hearing what had occurred, hastened to the temple, and cut one of his fingers, the blood of which he offered to the spirit. The boy was then set free, and the old man, who was more than a match for the Maran, began to recite the hymns. The spirits, raising the Maran on high, sucked away his blood, and vanished. The particular timila has since this event never been used by any Maran.

The higher classes of Marans claim six privileges, called pano, koni, tirumuttam, natumuttam, velichchor, and puchchor. Koni means literally a ladder, and refers to the stretcher, made of bamboo and kusa grass or straw, on which the corpses of high caste Hindus are laid. Tirumuttam is sweeping the temple courtyard, and natumuttam the erection of a small pandal (booth) in the courtyard of a Nambutiri's house, where oblations are offered to the departed spirit on the tenth day after death. Velichchor, or sacrificial rice, is the right to retain the remains of the food offered to the manes, and puchchor the offering made to the deity, on whom the priest throws a few flowers as part of the consecration ceremony.

Thurston's entry on the Marakkāyars opens with a census definition labeling them a 'Tamil-speaking Musalman tribe of mixed Hindu and Musalman origin,' then immediately introduces a folk etymology linking their name to the Arabic markab (boat). The narrative weaves together colonial administrative reports, local origin stories, and observations on internal social stratification—such as the rare intermarriage between sub-divisions, which 'are usually only brought about by the offer of strong financial inducements.' This pattern of blending official data with anecdote and contested etymology recurs throughout the volume.

Etymologies and Origin Stories

The volume repeatedly foregrounds etymological debates as a way into caste identity. For the Marakkāyars, the derivation from markab is presented alongside a narrative of persecution-driven migration. For the Nāttukōttai Chettis, the name is said to derive from 'Nāttukōttai, or country fort,' though the text notes a competing derivation from a village near Sivaganga. These origin stories are often contested: the Chettis claim descent from Kāveripattanam, but 'the other Settis will not admit the truth of their story, and affect to despise them greatly.' Thurston does not resolve these disputes but presents them as part of the living social record.

Economic Practices and Social Reputation

The Nāttukōttai Chettis are described through a series of strong, sometimes contradictory characterizations. They are called 'the Jews of South India' for their business acumen, yet the text also quotes the Madura Manual calling them 'notorious for their greed' while conceding they spend 'large sums now and then in works of charity.' A detailed passage on their training describes boys beginning business at ten or twelve, living separately after marriage, and being debited for excess spending. Even women 'earn money in a variety of ways.' The entry emphasizes that they regard formal English education as 'worse than useless for professional men,' preferring a long apprenticeship.

Internal Hierarchy and Boundary Maintenance

Social boundaries within and between groups are a persistent concern. Among Muslims, 'the Musalmans of pure descent hold themselves to be socially superior to the Marakkāyars, and the Marakkāyars consider themselves better than the Labbais.' Dress and language mark these distinctions: pure-bred Muslims wear 'strict Musalman fashion' and speak Hindustāni at home, while Marakkāyars often wear 'the high hat of plaited coloured grass and the tartan waist-cloth.' The Chetti entry notes that they employ Kammālans, Valaiyans, Kallans, and Vallambans as cooks, and are permitted to enter Hindu temples—details that map ritual status onto occupational and caste hierarchies.

Readers should approach this volume as a layered document: it preserves colonial categories, local testimony, and the compiler's own editorial choices. The excerpts show Thurston juxtaposing census data, district manuals, and quoted informants without always reconciling them. Pay attention to who is speaking—the Madras Census Report, a district collector, a native contributor—and how their perspectives shape the portrait of each caste.

Reading these entries on the M–P castes reminded me of my grandmother’s quiet insistence on knowing every branch of our family tree, and the way she’d murmur names like incantations. That same intimate, archival warmth surfaced in Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. 3 of 7 — Background and Themes, where the lists felt less like data and more like a litany, a gentle accounting of lives once lived.

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