Women Wage-Earners: Their Past, Their Present, and Their Future — Edition Insights
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I. A LOOK BACKWARD 25
II. EMPLOYMENTS FOR WOMEN DURING THE COLONIAL PERIOD, AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE FACTORY 57
III. EARLY ASPECTS OF FACTORY LABOR FOR WOMEN 77
IV. RISE AND GROWTH OF TRADES UP TO THE PRESENT TIME 95
V. LABOR BUREAUS AND THEIR WORK IN RELATION TO WOMEN 111
VI. PRESENT WAGE-RATES IN THE UNITED STATES 126
VII. GENERAL CONDITIONS FOR ENGLISH WORKERS 142
VIII. GENERAL CONDITIONS FOR CONTINENTAL WORKERS 161
IX. GENERAL CONDITIONS AMONG WAGE-EARNING WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES 188
X. GENERAL CONDITIONS IN THE WESTERN STATES 199
XI. SPECIFIC EVILS AND ABUSES IN FACTORY LIFE AND IN GENERAL TRADES 212
XII. REMEDIES AND SUGGESTIONS 249
FACTORY INSPECTION LAW 275
AUTHORITIES CONSULTED IN PREPARING THIS BOOK 291
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WOMAN'S LABOR AND OF THE WOMAN QUESTION 294
THEIR PAST, THEIR PRESENT, AND THEIR FUTURE.
The one great question that to-day agitates the whole civilized world is an economic question. It is not the production but the distribution of wealth; in other words, the wages question,--the wages of men and women. Nowhere do we find any suggestion that capital and the landlord do not receive a _quid pro quo_. Instead, the whole labor world cries out that the capitalist and the landlord are enslaving the rest of the world, and absorbing the lion's share of the joint production.
So long as it is a question of production only, there is perfect harmony. Both unite in agreeing that to produce as much as possible is for the interest of each. The conflict begins with distribution. It is no longer a war of one nation with another; it is internecine war, destroying the foundations of our own defences, and making enemies of those who should be brothers.
It is impossible for even the most dispassionate or indifferent observer to blink these facts. Proclaim as we may that there is no antagonism between capital and labor,--that their interests are one, and that conditions and opportunities for the worker are always better and better,--practical thinkers and workers deny this conclusion. Wealth has enormously increased, in a far greater ratio than population. Does the laborer receive his due proportion of this increase? One must unhesitatingly answer no. In a country whose life began in the search for freedom, and which professes to give equal opportunity to all, more startling inequality exists than in any other in the civilized world. One of our ablest lawyers, Thomas G. Shearman, has lately written:--
"Our old equality is gone. So far from being the most equal people on the face of the earth, as we once boasted that we were, ours is now the most unequal of civilized nations. We talk about the wealth of the British aristocracy and about the poverty of the British poor. There is not in the whole of Great Britain and Ireland so striking a contrast, so wide a chasm, between rich and poor as in these United States of America. There is no man in the whole of Great Britain and Ireland who is as wealthy as one of some half-a-dozen men who could be named in this country; and there are few there who could be poorer than some that could be found in this country. It is true that there is a larger number of the extremely poor in Great Britain and Ireland than there is in this country, but it is not true that there is any more desperate poverty in any civilized country than ours; and it is unquestionably not true that there is any greater mass of riches concentrated in a few hands in any country than this."
This for America. For England the tale is much the same. "The Bitter Cry of Outcast London," with its passionate demand that the rich open their eyes to see the misery, degradation, and want seething in London slums, is but another putting of the words of the serious, scientific observer of facts, Huxley himself, who has described an East End parish in which he spent some of his earliest years. Over that parish, he says, might have been written Dante's inscription over the entrance to the Inferno: "All hope abandon, ye who enter here." After speaking of its physical misery and its supernatural and perfectly astonishing deadness, he says that he embarked on a voyage round the world, and had the opportunity of seeing savage life in all conceivable conditions of savage degradation; and he writes:--
Helen Campbell opens her 1893 study with a backward glance, tracing women's paid labor from colonial household production through the rise of factories. The book's structure moves deliberately from past to present to future, with each chapter anchored in specific evidence: wage tables, labor bureau reports, and foreign inspection laws. Campbell does not argue from sentiment; she builds her case on the concrete details of earnings, hours, and working conditions, often quoting directly from government inquiries.
The work is notable for its comparative scope. Chapters on England, continental Europe, and the western United States allow Campbell to measure American conditions against those abroad. She repeatedly returns to the gap between subsistence wages and the cost of living, and to the slow emergence of organization among women workers as a counterforce.
A Comparative Framework
Campbell devotes separate chapters to England, continental Europe, and the United States, a structure that invites direct comparison. She draws on official reports—the Belgian government inquiry commission of 1867, the French Bourse du Travail reports from 1887–88, and American labor bureau statistics—to document wage rates, hours, and legal protections. The Belgian section, for instance, notes that thousands of women and children in mines worked twelve to sixteen hours daily with no Sunday rest, a condition Campbell calls “among the worst abuses discoverable on continental soil.” By setting such data alongside American figures, she highlights both shared problems and national variations in regulation.
Recurring Images of Overwork and Underpayment
Throughout the excerpts, Campbell returns to a cluster of images: the sewing-woman whose wage falls “below the point of subsistence,” the child laborer bound to the working mother, the factory with unprotected machinery. These are not decorative; they are evidence. She cites Parent-Duchalet’s Paris statistics to challenge the assumption that low-paid sewing-women disproportionately enter prostitution—finding instead that “women with no occupation had first rank.” The pattern is one of careful rebuttal: Campbell repeatedly tests popular beliefs against official data, and the reader sees her working through contradictions between moral panic and statistical reality.
The Movement Toward Organization
Campbell presents women’s collective action as the most promising remedy for low wages and abusive conditions. She describes the Bourse du Travail in Paris as “one of its most important features of working life,” and notes that “the present movement toward organization is the first step toward a general bettering of all trades and their wage.” The language is measured—she does not predict swift victory—but the trajectory is clear. The book’s final chapter, “Remedies and Suggestions,” and its appendix on factory inspection law reinforce this forward-looking stance, though the excerpts do not reveal Campbell’s specific proposals.
The Role of Government Inquiry
Campbell treats official reports as primary sources, not mere background. She references the Belgian commission of 1867 and its 1874 and 1891 successors, the French presidential decree of 1892–93 regulating women’s and children’s labor, and American labor bureau findings. These documents supply the wage tables and condition descriptions that underpin her argument. The book’s bibliography and index, listed in the contents, suggest a systematic apparatus. Campbell’s method is to let the reports speak, then to interpret their meaning for the reader—a technique that gives Women Wage-Earners the character of a brief rather than a polemic.
Campbell’s study rewards readers who attend to its scaffolding of evidence. The chapters are best approached as linked investigations rather than a continuous narrative; each can be read alongside the reports she cites. Pay particular attention to the wage tables and the footnoted sources, which ground her claims in the statistical debates of the 1880s and early 1890s. The book is less a finished argument than a working document of reform, one that expects its readers to consult the original inquiries for themselves.
In all my years shelving, I’ve noticed how Campbell’s Women Wage-Earners whispers of the household’s quiet strains—work and bread, duty and need. It left me pondering the tender friction at home’s core, which is why I now keep Child Versus Parent: Some Chapters on the Irrepressible Conflict in the Home — A Reader’s Guide on the same shelf, two old friends sharing a knowing glance.
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