Indian Games : an historical research — A Closer Reading
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They were in more senses than one deeply interested in the game. When the cast was to be made the player would strike the bowl upon the ground so as to make the dice jump into the air [Footnote: Sigud Theodat Vol. 1, p. 213.] and would then twirl the bowl rapidly around. During this process and until it stopped its revolutions and the dice finally settled, the players addressed the dice and beat themselves on their breasts. [Footnote: Shea's Hennepin, p. 300.] The spectators during the same period filled the air with shouts and invoked aid from their own protecting powers, while in the same breath they poured forth imprecations on those of their adversaries. The number of points affected the length of the game and as entirely optional. If six dice were used and all came up of the same color, the throw counted five. [Footnote: Among the Delawares it required eight counts of five to win. History of the Mission of the United Brethren among the Indians etc. G H Loskiel. Translated by I Latrobe, Part I, Ch. VIII, p. 106.] If five of them were of the same color it counted one. Any lower number failed to count. If the caster was unsuccessful he gave place to another, but so long as he continued to win his side would retain him in that position. [Footnote: Charlevoix Vol. III, p. 264.] The game was often ushered in with singing. Like lacrosse it was prescribed as a remedy for sickness or in consequence of dreams, and the sufferer in whose behalf the game was played was borne to the cabin in which it was to take place. Preliminary fasting and continence were observed, and every effort made that superstition could suggest to discover who would be the lucky thrower and who could aid the caster by his presence at the contest. Old men, unable to walk thither, were brought up on the shoulders of the young men that their presence might be propitious to the chances of the game. [Footnote: Ibid p. 202.] The excitement which attended one of these games of chance was intense, especially when the game reached a critical point and some particular throw was likely to terminate it. Charlevoix says the games often lasted for five or six days [Footnote: Loskiel (p. 106) saw a game between two Iroquois towns which lasted eight days. Sacrifices for luck were offered by the sides each night.] and oftentimes the spectators concerned in the game, "are in such an agitation as to be transported out of themselves to such a degree that they quarrel and fight, which never happens to the Hurons, except on these occasions or when they are drunk."
Perhaps rum was responsible also for these quarrels; for in the early accounts we are told that losses were philosophically accepted. Father Biebeuf tells of a party who had lost their leggings at one of these games and who returned to their village in three feet of snow as cheerful in appearance as if they had won. There seems to have been no limit to which they would not go in their stakes while under the excitement of the game. Clothing, wife, family and sometimes the personal liberty of the player himself rested in the hazard of the die. [Footnote: Cheulevoix Vol. III, p. 261. Le Grand Voyage du Pays Des Hurons, pan Gabriel Sigud Theodat Puis 1632, Nouvelle Edition, Paris, 1835, p. 85, Relations de Jesuites, Relation de la Nouvelle France en l'Annee 1639, pp. 95-96, Lafitau, Vol. II, p. 341.]
The women often played the game by themselves, though apparently with less formality than characterized the great matches. The latter frequently assumed the same local characteristics that we have seen in the game of lacrosse, and we hear of village being pitted against village as a frequent feature of the game. [Footnote: Penot p. 43, Histoire du Canada par F. X. Garneau, Vol. I, p. 115.]
Morgan [Footnote: League of the Iroquois, p. 602.] describes a game played by the Iroquois with buttons or dice made of elk-horn, rounded and polished and blackened on one side. The players spread a blanket on the ground; and the dice were tossed with the hand in the air and permitted to fall on the blanket. The counts were determined as in the game of platter by the color of the sides of the dice which were exposed when they settled. The number of the dice was eight.
Andrew McFarland Davis opens his study of Native American games by quoting Father Brebeuf’s 1636 account of Huron games—cross, platter, and straw—prescribed as remedies for illness. This framing immediately establishes the book’s reliance on missionary and colonial sources, and its interest in the intersection of play, health, and belief. Davis does not simply describe games; he interrogates the reliability of his witnesses, noting, for instance, the “unfortunate confusion” in Perrot’s description of straw-game counting. The work proceeds as a comparative historical survey, moving from the Great Lakes to the Southeast, and from the seventeenth century to the nineteenth, always attentive to the fragmentary and often contradictory evidence left by European observers.
Lacrosse as Political Theater and Medical Ritual
Davis presents lacrosse not as a sport but as a multipurpose ceremony. In 1667, Nicolas Perrot witnessed a game staged by the Miamis as a formal entertainment for a French agent, with over two thousand participants. The description emphasizes noise and movement: “a constant movement of all these crosses which made a noise like that of arms.” Davis also recounts the 1763 use of a lacrosse game at Fort Michilimackinac as a cover for Pontiac’s attack—a detail that underscores the strategic dimension of these events. Earlier, Father Brebeuf had reported that a game of cross could be ordered by a medicine man to cure a fever or even a whole village’s illness. Davis lets these accounts stand without moral commentary, letting the reader see how deeply game and governance were entangled.
The Straw Game: Rules, Chance, and Confusion
Davis devotes careful attention to the straw game, which he considers the most elaborate in construction among northern tribes. Yet he repeatedly flags the inadequacy of his sources: “the unfortunate confusion which prevails throughout Perrot’s description of the method of counting” prevents any clear analysis. He speculates that the rules were “arbitrary and not based upon any calculations of the laws of chance,” contrasting this with the simpler version described by Lawson, where dexterity in counting thrown reeds was paramount. Davis also notes California variants where sticks were tossed and players guessed odd or even, with an umpire keeping tally. Throughout, he resists filling gaps with conjecture, instead pointing to what remains unknown—a methodological restraint that gives the research its scholarly tone.
Chunkee: A Southern Game with Northern Echoes
Davis traces chunkee, or hoop-and-pole, primarily among southern tribes, citing Iberville’s officer who observed Bayagoulas and Mougoulachas “playing in this place with great sticks which they throw after a little stone.” Father Gravier in 1700 saw young men at the Houmas village chasing a flat stone thrown across a square, trying to make it fall on two cylinders. Adair called it “Running hard labour.” Davis tentatively links this to the Iroquois javelin game described by Morgan, but he is careful to say “unless we should classify” it as a modified form. The section exemplifies his comparative method: he assembles disparate observations across time and region, notes similarities, but avoids forcing a unified narrative. The reader is left with a sense of the game’s antiquity and geographic spread, but also of the limits of the record.
Davis’s study is best read as a collection of historical fragments held together by a skeptical intelligence. He does not attempt to reconstruct how the games were played in any definitive sense; instead, he shows how European observers—missionaries, traders, explorers—shaped what we know. Readers interested in the games themselves may need to consult ethnographic sources, but for those curious about how colonial documentation works, this text offers a revealing case study in the gaps between observation and understanding.
Reading about the gambling woven through those lacrosse matches, I remembered how my grandfather lost his farm at cards, and how That Last Waif; or, Social Quarantine — Text and Context once made me feel that same strange ache—rules shaping lives long after the game is over.
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