The crowd — Background and Themes
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The CRIMINOLOGY SERIES.
1. The Female Offender. By Professor LOMBROSO. Edited, with Introduction, by W. DOUGLAS MORRISON. 2. Criminal Sociology. By Professor ENRICO FERRI. 3. Juvenile Offender. By W. DOUGLAS MORRISON. ---- LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN.
THE CROWD A STUDY OF THE POPULAR MIND
BY GUSTAVE LE BON {b. May 7, 1841--d. Dec 13, 1931}
The following work is devoted to an account of the characteristics of crowds.
The whole of the common characteristics with which heredity endows the individuals of a race constitute the genius of the race. When, however, a certain number of these individuals are gathered together in a crowd for purposes of action, observation proves that, from the mere fact of their being assembled, there result certain new psychological characteristics, which are added to the racial characteristics and differ from them at times to a very considerable degree.
Organised crowds have always played an important part in the life of peoples, but this part has never been of such moment as at present. The substitution of the unconscious action of crowds for the conscious activity of individuals is one of the principal characteristics of the present age.
I have endeavoured to examine the difficult problem presented by crowds in a purely scientific manner--that is, by making an effort to proceed with method, and without being influenced by opinions, theories, and doctrines. This, I believe, is the only mode of arriving at the discovery of some few particles of truth, especially when dealing, as is the case here, with a question that is the subject of impassioned controversy. A man of science bent on verifying a phenomenon is not called upon to concern himself with the interests his verifications may hurt. In a recent publication an eminent thinker, M. Goblet d'Alviela, made the remark that, belonging to none of the contemporary schools, I am occasionally found in opposition of sundry of the conclusions of all of them. I hope this new work will merit a similar observation. To belong to a school is necessarily to espouse its prejudices and preconceived opinions.
Still I should explain to the reader why he will find me draw conclusions from my investigations which it might be thought at first sight they do not bear; why, for instance, after noting the extreme mental inferiority of crowds, picked assemblies included, I yet affirm it would be dangerous to meddle with their organisation, notwithstanding this inferiority.
The reason is, that the most attentive observation of the facts of history has invariably demonstrated to me that social organisms being every whit as complicated as those of all beings, it is in no wise in our power to force them to undergo on a sudden far-reaching transformations. Nature has recourse at times to radical measures, but never after our fashion, which explains how it is that nothing is more fatal to a people than the mania for great reforms, however excellent these reforms may appear theoretically. They would only be useful were it possible to change instantaneously the genius of nations. This power, however, is only possessed by time. Men are ruled by ideas, sentiments, and customs--matters which are of the essence of ourselves. Institutions and laws are the outward manifestation of our character, the expression of its needs. Being its outcome, institutions and laws cannot change this character.
The study of social phenomena cannot be separated from that of the peoples among whom they have come into existence. From the philosophic point of view these phenomena may have an absolute value; in practice they have only a relative value.
Gustave Le Bon opens The Crowd by asserting that when individuals assemble, "from the mere fact of their being assembled, there result certain new psychological characteristics." This claim sets the book's central argument: crowds are not simply collections of people but entities with a distinct mental life. Le Bon's diction consistently opposes the "unconscious action of crowds" to the "conscious activity of individuals," framing crowd psychology as a regression to a more primitive state. His prose is declarative and categorical, often using absolute terms like "never" and "always" to describe crowd behavior. The author positions himself as a detached scientific observer, claiming to examine crowds "without being influenced by opinions, theories, and doctrines," yet his language frequently carries a tone of alarm about the rising power of crowds in modern society.
The Rhetoric of Scientific Authority
Le Bon repeatedly invokes the language of science to legitimize his claims. He describes his method as "purely scientific" and compares himself to "a man of science bent on verifying a phenomenon." This rhetorical strategy is evident in his use of terms like "observation proves" and "experimentally." However, his evidence often consists of historical anecdotes rather than controlled studies. For instance, he cites the Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune as demonstrations of crowd irrationality, but he does not provide systematic data. The tension between his scientific posture and his sweeping generalizations is a defining feature of the text. Readers should note how Le Bon's authoritative tone serves to preempt criticism, as when he anticipates that his conclusions might seem contradictory and then justifies them by appealing to the complexity of social organisms.
Crowds as Unconscious Beings
Le Bon's central psychological claim is that crowds operate on an unconscious level, driven by instincts and emotions rather than reason. He writes that "the laws of logic have no action on crowds" and that orators must appeal "to their sentiments and never to their reason." This dichotomy between reason and sentiment is reinforced through recurring contrasts: conscious versus unconscious, rational versus impulsive, individual versus collective. Le Bon describes the crowd mind as "inferior" and prone to "rough-and-ready associations of ideas." His choice of verbs—"impress," "modify," "divine"—positions the crowd as a passive object to be manipulated by skilled leaders. The excerpts show that Le Bon views this irrationality as both dangerous and inevitable, a force that cannot be reformed but only managed.
Historical Examples as Argumentative Anchors
Le Bon grounds his theoretical claims in specific historical events, though he treats them as illustrative rather than probative. He references the French experience of the Franco-Prussian War, noting that "two ruinous experiences have been required in fifty years" to teach the nation about the costs of dictatorship. He also recounts an anecdote from the siege of Paris, where a crowd accused a marshal of treason based on a rumor. These examples serve to dramatize his abstract principles: the crowd's credulity, its hostility to reason, and its susceptibility to simple narratives. Notably, Le Bon does not provide detailed sources or alternative interpretations; the examples function as rhetorical evidence rather than historical analysis. Readers should consider how the selection of events—all drawn from French history—shapes the book's argument about crowd psychology.
The Orator's Art and the Speaker's Dilemma
In a striking passage, Le Bon analyzes the techniques of effective crowd oratory. He argues that a prepared speech is useless because the orator must "divine from instant to instant the sentiments to which one's discourse is giving birth" and vary his language accordingly. This emphasis on improvisation and emotional attunement reveals Le Bon's conception of the crowd as a volatile, reactive entity. He illustrates this with a reference to a member of the Government during the siege of Paris, a "very celebrated orator," who successfully calmed a furious crowd. The example underscores Le Bon's belief that crowds respond not to logic but to the speaker's ability to mirror and channel their emotions. This section of the book offers a practical, almost tactical, guide to persuasion, grounded in the assumption that crowds are fundamentally irrational.
Le Bon's The Crowd is best read as a period piece that reveals late-nineteenth-century anxieties about mass democracy and social change. Its value lies less in its scientific accuracy than in its influence on later thinkers and its vivid articulation of a particular worldview. Readers should approach its categorical claims with skepticism, noting how the author's rhetorical strategies—the appeal to science, the use of historical vignettes, the stark dichotomies—work to construct an argument that is more persuasive than empirical.
Reading about how a crowd dissolves individual reason into impulse reminded me of walking old earthworks alone, tracing ridges that once held a hundred voices. There’s a similar quiet in Early British trackways, moats, mounds, camps, and sites — Context and Discussion, where the landscape itself becomes a memory of collective purpose, yet leaves me with only my own footsteps for company.
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