The Aboriginal Population of the North Coast of California — Story, Setting & Ideas

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Cook, Sherburne Friend, 1896-1974 Project Gutenberg 2010 Not confirmed
Indians of North America -- California; Indians of North America -- Statistics Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 39,036
Reading time 170 min
Text sections 6

This digital edition of The Aboriginal Population of the North Coast of California — Story, Setting & Ideas is described by source-level measurements including 39,036 words, 2 hr 50 min estimated reading time, and 6 detected text sections.

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A 1956 reassessment of pre-contact Native populations on California's north coast, using tribal boundaries and village counts to challenge earlier estimates, with detailed analysis of Yurok, Pomo, and other groups.
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Drucker were smaller than those for which he gave house counts. Thus we may add 68 houses, making a total of 156 and a population of 1,186. Kroeber would of course reduce by one-third but the reasons for so doing are no more compelling with this than with any other tribe.

Drucker (p. 226) states that his house counts are as of 40 to 50 years ago. This means, first, that the houses were described to him by informants as known to them in their youth to be inhabited (hence no reduction necessary) and, second, that the counts represent the situation during the period of 1885 to 1895.

Now the counts published for all the tribes hitherto considered were based upon the conditions obtaining at approximately 1850, 35 to 45 years earlier. In other words, Drucker's figures cannot in any sense represent the aboriginal state, for there must have been a marked decline in population and in number of houses among the Tolowa between 1850 and 1890. The implication is, startling as it may seem, that the population estimate given above is much too low.

Some idea of what may have happened can be secured by a brief reconsideration of Waterman's Yurok data. It will be remembered that Waterman shows detailed maps of 19 villages, including not only houses once standing but also houses standing and inhabited when he saw them in 1909. The ratio of the former to the latter is 189 to 38. There were of course many more houses standing in 1890 than in 1909, although the population did not decline materially during these particular twenty years. Hence the ratio found by Waterman for the Yurok cannot be applied directly to the Tolowa. Nevertheless it is reasonable to assume that a count made among the Yurok in 1890 would have shown that not more than half as many houses were being inhabited then as had been in 1850. If so, Drucker's total of 156 might be doubled, giving 312 and a population of 2,372. Such an estimate may appear totally at variance with the other known facts pertaining to the tribe but I am inclined to adhere to it.

Further support for such a view comes from consideration of relative population decline since 1850. On page 19 of the Handbook Kroeber cites the federal census of 1910 as showing 668 persons for the Yurok and on page 130 over 600 for the Hupa. He thinks that the Hupa were less numerous than the Karok and the latter less numerous than the Yurok. With respect to the Karok he says (p. 102): "It is also clear that the proportional loss of the Karok in the past 65 years has been relatively mild, possibly not exceeding one half." In another connection he discusses at some length the reasons why the Hupa suffered less than many other tribes--primarily because of their protected position and the lack of mining in their area. Now the Wiyot in 1910 had 150 people and the Tolowa 120. If their loss had been of the order of one half, as Kroeber feels is the case with the Yurok, Karok, and Hupa, then the population of the Wiyot in 1850 would have been in the vicinity of 300 and the Tolowa 240. Actually, in his original estimates Kroeber did set the figures for these tribes not much higher: 800 for the Wiyot and 450 for the Tolowa. Kroeber thus defeats his own argument with respect to the small decline and protected position of the Karok and Hupa. For the position of the Wiyot and the Tolowa were the most exposed to white influence of any of the Northwestern tribes. They were located on the fertile, commercial, and well settled coast. Many types of evidence point to their early and rapid disintegration and almost extinction. They should have suffered the worst losses and did. Hence it is not as far fetched as it might seem at first sight to ascribe to the Tolowa a population in 1850 of nearly 2,400.

With the Chilula we encounter the first of the small Athapascan tribes of Northwestern California. Their villages have been studied intensively by Goddard (1910), who lists 18 but gives no house counts.[1] Merriam, who re-examined Goddard's report likewise finds 18 sure villages plus 21 summer camps and 2 places of indeterminate character.

[1] Since completion of this manuscript, Mr. Martin R. Baumhoff of the Department of Anthropology has discovered village lists filed many years ago by Pliny E. Goddard, which cover Athapascan territory in addition to that held by the Wailaki. Mr. Baumhoff is now analyzing the new data and his results will probably necessitate an upward revision of the population figures given here.

Cook opens by declaring that the study's goal is to calculate pure numbers, setting aside ethnographic and ecological context. The work is organized not by natural provinces but by ethnic boundaries, treating each tribe as a separate entity. This structural choice immediately signals that the book is a demographic exercise, not a cultural survey.

Recurring Methodological Tensions

Throughout the excerpts, Cook repeatedly contrasts earlier ethnographers' work with his own. For the Pomo, he notes that Barrett's 1908 village list is valuable as a compilation but flawed because Barrett missed the significance of community social organization. Cook then cites Gifford, Kniffen, and Stewart, showing how later studies revised village counts and boundaries. This pattern—citing an earlier source, pointing out its limitations, and then offering a revised estimate—recurs for nearly every tribe. The reader sees a cumulative process of refinement, where each new study adjusts the previous one, yet Cook acknowledges that many discrepancies cannot be resolved without further field work.

The Role of Village Structures as Evidence

Cook uses the presence of assembly houses as a proxy for permanence and population size. For the Clear Lake Pomo, he writes that a community with one capital village and several accessory sites with assembly houses would, other things being equal, imply a larger aggregate population than one with fewer such sites. This is a rare moment where Cook moves beyond raw counts to infer social organization from physical remains. The detail is specific: he does not list the villages by name but counts the number of sites known to have had assembly houses. This approach ties population estimates to archaeological or ethnographic evidence of settlement patterns.

Movement Between Scenes: From Northern Tribes to the Pomo

The text shifts abruptly from the Yurok, Wiyot, and Karok to the Pomo, with a transitional sentence: 'From a poverty of ethnographic material with the more northerly tribes we pass to an embarrassment of riches with the Pomo.' This contrast in available data shapes the analysis. For the northern groups, Cook relies on sparse records; for the Pomo, he has multiple detailed studies. The movement between sections is not narrative but comparative, as Cook adjusts his methods to match the quality of evidence. The reader moves from tentative estimates to more confident ones, but Cook never claims certainty, noting that even for the Pomo, informant disagreements persist.

The Use of Historical Sources and Their Limits

Cook cites L. L. Palmer's 1881 county history for Clear Lake population figures, noting that modern students have criticized these numbers. He does not dismiss them outright but presents them as one data point among others. This careful handling of historical sources is typical: Cook weighs missionary records, early settler accounts, and later ethnographic surveys, often finding that the correspondence between independent estimates is 'remarkably close' despite unassessable factors. He does not fabricate a single grand total; instead, he lets each tribal estimate stand alone, reinforcing his opening claim that no final sum transcends the parts.

Structure as a Reflection of Method

The book's table of contents lists tribes in sequence, each with its own section. Within each section, Cook follows a consistent pattern: he reviews previous estimates, discusses village counts, and then offers his own figure. This repetitive structure mirrors his argument that each tribe must be treated separately. The lack of a concluding grand total is deliberate; Cook states that the significance of any constituent does not transcend that of the others. The reader is left with a series of independent estimates, not a unified narrative. This structural choice reinforces the work's identity as a reassessment, not a synthesis.

Cook's study is best approached as a series of discrete demographic arguments rather than a continuous history. Readers should attend to how he evaluates each source—whether ethnographic, historical, or archaeological—and note where he acknowledges unresolved discrepancies. The work rewards those who follow the footnotes and the shifting confidence levels between tribal sections.

Reading about the careful counting of village sites along the north coast, I thought of my grandfather’s land records—those tidy rows of names and numbers. It reminded me how The Fall River Tragedy: A History of the Borden Murders — Edition Insights once made me pause over court testimony, the way a ledger holds weight. Both felt like someone quietly insisting the past mattered enough to measure.

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