The Lushei Kuki Clans — Themes and Context
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This digital edition of The Lushei Kuki Clans — Themes and Context is described by source-level measurements including 100,193 words, 7 hr 16 min estimated reading time, and 24 detected text sections.
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Lushai or Dulien, Grammar, Word for word translation.
Families and Branches of Lushei Clan 125
Division of Clans into Five Groups 129
Clans included in the term Lushai 130
Chawte, Chongthu, Hnamte, Kawlni, Kawlhring, Kiangte, Ngente, Paotu, Rentlei, Vangchhia, Zawngte.
Clans which, though not absorbed, have been much influenced by the Lushais 136
Fanai, Ralte, Paihte or Vuite, Rangte.
The old Kuki Clans 148
The old Kuki Clans of Manipur, Aimol, Anal, Chawte, Chiru, Kolhen, Kom, Lamgang, Purum, Tikhup, Vaiphei. Other old Kuki Clans, Khawtlang and Khawchhak.
The Lakher or Mara Clan 213
Resemblances between languages of clans, Change of certain letters, Comparative vocabulary.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Khamliana, Sailo Chief (Coloured Plate) Frontispiece Lushai Weapons, Ornaments, &c 10 Lushai Men's Hair Ornaments To face 12 Zawlbuk, or Young Men's House To face 22 Plan of a Lushai's House 26 A Rest by the Way--on the Way to the Jhums. Lushais and Pois To face 32 Lushais Threshing Rice (Coloured Plate) To face 33 Zataia, Sailo Chief and Family (Coloured Plate) To face 44 Lushai Girls To face 53 Copy of a Map of the Route to Mi-thi-khua, drawn by a Lushai 63 Khwatlang Posts Erected to Commemorate the Slaying of Mithans at a Feast To face 65 Chief's House showing "She lu Pun," the Posts Supporting the Skulls of Mithan Killed at One of the Feasts To face 90 Cane Suspension Bridge To face 110 Fanai To face 136 Memorial Stone in Champhai, Known as Mangkhaia, Lungdawr To face 140 Vuite Memorial To face 147 Rangte Grave To face 147 Aimol Nautch Party. The Youth is Holding a Rotchem To face 152 Heads of Kuki Clans To face 184 Memorial to a Man who has Performed the Ai of a Tiger 206 Memorial to a Woman who has Performed the Buh Ai 206 Lakher Chief and Family (Coloured Plate) To face 215 Lakher Baskets To face 223 Map At end of Volume
This monograph was originally intended to deal only with the inhabitants of the Lushai Hills, but on my transfer to Manipur, I found so many clans living in the hill tracts of that curious little state that I suggested that the scope of the monograph might be enlarged to include all clans of the Kuki race as well.
This term Kuki, like Naga, Chin, Shendu, and many others, is not recognised by the people to whom we apply it, and I will not attempt to give its derivation, but it has come to have a fairly definite meaning, and we now understand by it certain closely allied clans, with well marked characteristics, belonging to the Tibeto-Burman stock. On the Chittagong border the term is loosely applied to most of the inhabitants of the interior hills beyond the Chittagong Hill tracts; in Cachar it generally means some family of the Thado or Khawtlang clan, locally distinguished as New and Old Kukis. In the Lushai Hills nowadays the term is hardly ever employed, having been superseded by Lushai. In the Chin Hills and generally on the Burma border all these clans are called Chins.
The term Lushai, as we now understand it, covers a great many clans; it is the result of incorrect transliteration of the word Lushei, which is the name of the clan, which, under various chiefs of the Thangur family, came into prominence in the eighteenth century and was responsible for the eruption into Cachar of Old Kukis at the end of that century and of the New Kukis half a century later.
The Lusheis, however, did not eject all the clans they came in contact with, many of them they absorbed, and these now form the bulk of the subjects of the Thangur chiefs. In this monograph Lushai is used in this wider sense, Lushei being used only for the clan of that name. Among the people themselves the Lusheis are sometimes spoken of as Dulian, at the derivation of which I will hazard no guess, and the general population of the hills is spoken of as Mi-zo. Among inhabitants of the Lushai Hills are found a very considerable number of immigrants, or descendants of immigrants from the Chin Hills, who are found living among the Lushais under the Thangur Chiefs or in villages under their own chiefs. I have made no attempt to deal with these, as their proper place is the Chin Hills monograph, and Messrs. Carey and Tuck have already described them very fully in their Chin Hills Gazetteer.
I am conscious that there are many omissions in this book; the subject is a very wide one and the difficulty of getting at the facts from so many different clans, each speaking a different dialect and scattered over an area of about 25,000 square miles is extremely great. I trust therefore that my readers will excuse all shortcomings.
John Shakespear's The Lushei Kuki Clans (1912) opens not with a sweeping thesis but with a detailed table of contents that reveals the work's methodical structure: the book is divided into two parts, the first devoted to the Lushei clans and the second to non-Lushei groups such as the Thado and Lakhers. Each chapter proceeds from habitat and physical characteristics to domestic life, laws, religion, and folklore, creating a layered portrait of a society in transition under colonial influence. The excerpts show that Shakespear relies heavily on local informants—such as Suaka, a Sub-Inspector of Police at Aijal—whose accounts are quoted at length, giving the text a polyvocal quality rare in early twentieth-century ethnography.
Structure as a Framework for Comparison
The book's bipartite structure is not merely organizational but analytical. Part I treats the Lushei clans as a coherent group, while Part II groups non-Lushei clans into five categories based on their degree of assimilation. This framework allows Shakespear to highlight differences in ritual practice—such as the Sakhua sacrifice—as markers of identity. For instance, the Chawte clan is described as killing a goat for the Sakhua and omitting all Naohri sacrifices except Zinthiang and Ui-ha-awr, a detail that distinguishes them from the Lushei. The structure thus becomes a tool for tracing cultural boundaries and historical relationships.
Recurring Images of Wealth and Prestige
Throughout the excerpts, material objects recur as markers of status and narrative significance. The Chongthu clan's origin story centers on Lershia, who was "the richest of all men" in mithan, gongs, and necklaces, and who first celebrated the Chong festival. The giver of a mithan sacrifice wears tail hairs on a string around his neck—a small but vivid image of how wealth is displayed. These objects are not merely listed but embedded in clan histories, linking economic power to ritual precedence. The repetition of such details across clan accounts suggests a shared symbolic language of prestige.
Movement Between Villages and Regions
Shakespear's text is punctuated by movements: clans are described as "widely scattered," villages are abandoned after bad harvests, and informants trace migrations from the south or across rivers. The Hnamte clan's dispersal is attributed to "bad harvests and general misfortunes" early in the nineteenth century. The Chawte in Manipur claim their forefather came "from the hills far to the south very long ago." These movements are not merely background but are tied to social organization—the Chongthu are said to be "always upa to chiefs" wherever they settle, suggesting that mobility did not erase clan roles. The geography of the text—with named hills, rivers, and villages—anchors these movements in a specific landscape.
Voice and Authority in the Ethnographic Record
Shakespear frequently cedes the page to his informants, embedding their words within his own prose. The Chongthu origin story is given as a direct quotation from Suaka, complete with first-person narration and a conversational tone: "Even till now Chongthus are always 'upa' to chiefs. It may be they are wiser than the other clans." This technique preserves the informant's voice while also revealing the colonial context—Suaka is a Sub-Inspector of Police, a figure positioned between the British administration and the clans. Shakespear's own voice emerges in cautious qualifications: the list of clans "does not lay claim to being complete." The result is a text that oscillates between systematic description and the contingent, partial nature of the evidence.
Readers approaching The Lushei Kuki Clans will find that its value lies less in grand theory than in the accumulation of specific, often contradictory details. Shakespear's willingness to include informants' accounts and to acknowledge gaps in his knowledge makes the work a rich source for understanding how colonial ethnography was produced. Pay attention to the footnotes and appendices, where additional families and variant traditions are recorded, often complicating the main text's generalizations.
Long ago, I shelved Shakespear’s study of the Lushei clans, noting how carefully it gathered voices from the hills. Years later, I found its quiet echo in A Modern Purgatory — Themes and Context, where memory also waits patiently, asking only to be kept close. They sit apart, yet share a world of held breath.
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