Canyon de Chelly: The Story of Its Ruins and People — Reading Companion

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Bradley, Zorro A., 1925-2010 Project Gutenberg 2016 Not confirmed
Navajo Indians; Pueblo Indians -- Antiquities; Canyon de Chelly National Monument (Ariz.) Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 13,679
Reading time 60 min
Text sections 2

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This editorial note examines how Zorro A. Bradley's 1973 National Park Service publication uses its opening Willa Cather epigraph, archaeological descriptions, and Navajo-U.S. conflict narrative to guide a first reading of Canyon de Chelly's ruins and people.
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ogists began piecing together the information gleaned from Canyon de Chelly’s many ruins and burials. Their story survived because these people lived in a physical environment that posed a minimal threat to normally fragile remains.

Wherever the remains of ancient man occur in the open, building ruins and some objects of stone, bone, and pottery survive, but those of wood and fiber disappear completely. Most of what we know about peoples from the dim past thus comes from materials that have been buried and protected. For the archeologist there are few better sources of information than formal burials, which often contain extensive offerings, and situations like those at Canyon de Chelly and Canyon del Muerto, where sites served as dwelling places for long periods of time and the steady accumulation of refuse buried layers of cultural debris.

The extremely arid conditions in the caves of these canyons offered additional protection. The climate here is so dry that human burials are perfectly preserved as natural mummies or desiccated bodies (there being no attempt at artificial preservation by these people), and such fragile buried objects as baskets more than a thousand years old are in good condition.

The people who lived at Canyon de Chelly in prehistoric times are today called the Anasazi, a Navajo word meaning “old people.” These people were the ancestors of modern Pueblo Indians, and they lived in the vicinity of northern Arizona and New Mexico, southwestern Colorado, and southeastern Utah from about the beginning of the Christian era to the end of the 13th century. Over most of that period they lived in these canyons. Before they learned to build in the cliffs they located and constructed their houses much differently. But the canyons always sheltered them, and their homes, their dead, and their debris tell us how it was with these people from the beginning to the end of their time here.

Early man, a nomadic hunter of big-game animals, came to the Americas from Asia over the Bering Strait some time between 20,000 and 15,000 B.C. Thousands of years later, after the big animals had become extinct, larger bands of hunters and gatherers preyed on game animals of species still living today. Still later, groups began to settle in favorable areas and to grow maize (corn), which reached them from more complex cultures in what is now Mexico. From this time on, the spread and development of prehistoric Indian cultures in the northern Southwest can be traced in increasing detail.

No one knows exactly when the first people arrived in the Canyon de Chelly area. But a tree-ring date of A.D. 306 from the West Alcove at Mummy Cave and the accumulation of sweepings and ashes at this site suggest that people were living in Canyon del Muerto at about the beginning of the Christian era.

These early people were primarily farmers rather than nomadic hunters, although they still depended to some extent on game animals for food. They established their homes in the shelter of the many caves and alcoves in the canyon walls, and farmed the mesa tops and canyon bottoms. Dogs were their only domestic animal, and corn was their major crop and main source of food. Squashes (pumpkins) were grown in some quantity, and beans were introduced at an early time. Pinyon nuts and acorns, sunflower seeds, yucca and cactus fruit, and small seeds of other wild plants were gathered for food.

The early farmers were accomplished makers of baskets, and for this reason archeologists commonly call them Basketmakers. Instead of pottery they used baskets for many utilitarian purposes: carrying sacks, burden baskets, food containers, cooking pots, water carriers, storage containers, and even “coffins.” Sometimes plain, often decorated, they are the most impressive surviving artifact of the culture which produced them. More baskets made by these early people have been found in Canyon de Chelly caves than in any other locality.

The caves in Canyon de Chelly have produced no evidence of houses built by these early farmers. If these groups had shelters at all, they were little more than brush-and-pole windbreaks or lean-tos made of poles and skins propped against the sides of the rock shelters. The only architectural remains found so far are pits lined with stone slabs and located in deposits on the cave floors. These pits were used to store corn and wild plant foods.

Permanent dwellings apparently were not constructed until about A.D. 500. The first such houses of which we have knowledge were small and generally insubstantial circular or squarish pits, shallowly dug into the ground. They were walled and roofed with brush and dirt or mud-covered poles. Later the people often built their houses in deep excavations, and then the structures became essentially roofed pits.

The book begins not with its own prose but with Willa Cather's 1925 description of a "little city of stone asleep" in a cliff cavern—a quotation that sets an archaeological, almost reverent tone. Bradley then immediately shifts to a factual National Park Service register: location, square miles, canyon names, and the assertion that the ruins show "man's ability to adjust to a difficult environment." This juxtaposition of literary wonder and bureaucratic precision is the first clue that the book will move between two registers: the romantic pull of abandoned stone villages and the hard realities of the people who built and later inhabited them.

The Epigraph as a Lens

Cather's lines—"It was as still as sculpture" and "preserved in the dry air and almost perpetual sunlight like a fly in amber"—are not decorative. They prime the reader to see the ruins as artifacts of an "extinct civilization," a phrase that the book's own text will complicate. The epigraph emphasizes silence, stillness, and the absence of living people. Bradley's opening paragraph, by contrast, immediately introduces the Navajo who "now live in the shadows of these deep canyons" and whose hogans are "almost hidden by the thick growth of willows and cottonwoods." The tension between Cather's frozen past and Bradley's living present is the book's central dynamic.

Structure: From Ruins to People

The table of contents divides the book into two main parts: "The Principal Ruins" and "The People of Canyon de Chelly." The ruins section describes specific sites—White House, Antelope House, Standing Cow, Big Cave, Mummy Cave—with archaeological detail. The people section splits into "The Anasazi" and "The Navajos." This structure suggests that the ruins are not just picturesque but are evidence of successive human occupations. A first-time reader should note that the book spends roughly equal space on the ancient Puebloan (Anasazi) builders and the Navajo who arrived later, implying a layered history rather than a single narrative.

The Navajo-U.S. Conflict as a Case Study

The longest continuous excerpt details U.S. military campaigns against the Navajo from 1846 to 1860. Bradley emphasizes a recurring pattern: American commanders assumed a single Navajo chief could sign binding treaties, but "each local Navajo group had its own leader." The result was a cycle of treaties, raids, and punitive expeditions. The 1849 treaty signed at "Treaty Hill" near Canyon de Chelly was broken almost immediately. This section is not a general history but a focused account of how the canyon became a site of conflict. Readers should watch how Bradley uses specific place names—Bear Springs, Fort Defiance, Canyon de Chelly itself—to anchor the narrative in geography.

Voice and Authority

Bradley writes as a National Park Service archaeologist, not a novelist. His prose is plain and declarative: "Included in its 131 square miles are three spectacular canyons." He avoids first-person opinion and rarely evaluates the ruins aesthetically. When he does use evocative language—"enduring monuments to the culture of the ancestors"—it is in service of interpretation, not atmosphere. The book's authority comes from its institutional origin and its reliance on documented expeditions (Stevenson Survey, Kearny's march, Doniphan's campaign). A first reader should trust the factual claims but note that the book was published in 1973 and may reflect archaeological conventions of its time.

This book is best read as a concise, site-specific introduction rather than a comprehensive history. The epigraph invites wonder; the text supplies context. Readers who want to understand how the ruins relate to the Navajo present should pay close attention to the transition between the two main sections. The excerpts end before the book's discussion of Navajo culture and the later chapters, so the full arc of the story remains incomplete in this sample.

Sitting with the Cather epigraph, I remembered standing in a dry riverbed once, feeling time stacked like sediment. That same quiet ache came back reading A history of postal agitation from fifty years ago till the present day — Reading Companion—how ordinary lives press their urgency into stone or stamped paper, and we only later glimpse the shape of what they carried.

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